Frachon's Plot

By 1940, it became clear to many in parliament and throughout President Charbonnier’s administration that the political situation in France was completely untenable. The unchained power of the Commissariat in the early years of the war had done more to restrict the rights of everyday French citizens than it did to liberate them, and the consequences of the officer purge in 1938 continued to plague France's military. Most of the Officer class in the NFR’s military consisted of young, inexperienced soldiers who had quickly been promoted through the ranks due to their dedication to the revolution. Those who were competent often had their leadership stymied by officers of the Commissariat whose orders often conflicted with, and eventually overruled, those of the military commanders. As the situation grew worse for France on the front lines, it would be up to a group of visionaries to put the republic back on the right track.

By June 3rd, every division on the Eastern Front was either stalled or fully retreating from the HRE’s advance despite orders to the contrary. Throughout the lines, small acts of resistance boiled over to a full-blown mutiny in the ranks. The causes of the mutiny were varied in origin, though mostly stemmed from the wave tactics used by the French throughout the early stages of the war. While French manpower was immense, the blatant disregard for the lives of men on the front lines was understandably horrible for morale. This, in tandem with the overall frustration of the officer class due to the constant intervention of the Commissariat, set the stage for a larger rebellion in the military. 

 One example of these acts of disobedience, which was illegally reported on and disseminated via pamphlets throughout the line, was the case of Général de brigade Marius Bourreau. After 2 years serving the 23rd Infantry Division with honor in the meatgrinder that was the Frankfurt encirclement, Bourreau had a reputation for his pragmatic and grounded leadership, and his commitment to Marxism from his background as a former educator on the subject. As the lines collapsed around Bourreau and his men, he was ordered by Divisional General Hector Clérico to push forward into the collapsing line in what could only be described as a suicidal maneuver by anyone with the slightest tactical acumen. Bourreau refused to give the order, leading to a public altercation in front of many of their senior officers. After a bout of screaming, Bourreau unsheathed his CKF Saber and ended the General's life, then proceeded to radio across the line calling for the full retreat of his men. The retreat saved the lives of over 3000 men who would have otherwise been trapped, but earned Bourreau a visit by commissars and a subsequent imprisonment awaiting trial, his blade still bloody when he was apprehended. Though not necessarily the inciting event, Bourreau’s story and others like it spread like wildfire across the lines, depleting what little French morale remained. 

By June 18th, the officers along the eastern front had finally had enough. After weeks of planning through covert messages being passed along through notes, carrier pigeons, and hushed whispers, the Officer Rebellion had begun. The unofficial order was given to every division to cease advancing and to either maintain defensive positions or retreat to a more fortified position. These orders directly contradicted Frances' military policy of the past 2 years of wanton advances against the enemy, and immediately enraged the commissars on the line who scrambled to establish dominance over the command. There was immediate confusion among the rank and file as they received conflicting orders from the officer structure and the commissars in command of their units. While some commissars joined the side of the officers willingly, many were forced, often at gunpoint, to capitulate to the demands of the mutineers. 

Word quickly spread back to the Internal Affairs central office in Paris of the extent of the mutiny and the developing situation on the line. The timing was extremely unfortunate, as the Holy Roman Empire had begun Operation Mordhau in the weeks leading up to the revolt, which had already proved taxing on French manpower. The Commissariat’s response to the mutiny was in character, as they called for the court martial and summary execution of the majority of the French officer class once again, claiming that it was clear that they had been infiltrated by lingering Bonapartist elements, a group that had by all accounts been extinct since early 1939. This response created an immediate crisis in the French government as all of its branches scrambled to find a solution to the striking soldiers before they lost all of the progress they had made in the war in the past two years. 

Benoit Frachon had been serving President Charbonnier’s administration as Prime Minister since his election in 1938. A former Socialist, Frachon quickly transitioned to the Liberation Party after the assassination of Leon Blum, and as one of the few career politicians available with a spotless record of doctrinal coherence, was a natural choice for Prime Minister when the President was elected. Frachon had managed to keep his disapproval of the President and his cabinet's actions quiet in his two years of service, as he dutifully fulfilled his role serving the interests of the party in Parliament. All the while, Frachon had quietly begun garnering allies he could trust within the legislative branch and throughout the party. This quiet preparation would be needed in order to save the country in the current crisis, even if he did not yet know how. 

 By 1940, it was an open secret that Charbonnier was not the most competent of leaders and that his Commissariat had far too much power to wield so haphazardly. Despite this, many in government were far too afraid of the Internal Affairs agents to openly critique them, which had the chilling effect of slowly giving the presidential cabinet more and more unchecked power. When news of the Officer Rebellion on the lines reached Frachon he quickly jumped on the opportunity. He quietly gathered his co-conspirators and initiated his plot to overthrow the administration as officially as possible.

Frachon was well-liked among his comrades in the Liberation Party and well-respected by what little remained of the Opposition Party. Without any warning to the President or the Commissariat, he made his first move. On June 20th, in an emergency public session before a joint congress, Frachon went on live television and announced the ongoing officer mutiny to the world, preempting any press coverage. He put the full blame of the striking soldiers on unchecked powers in the Commissariat and the incompetence of its leader, Albert Chichery, who had been abusing his power for far too long. After a lengthy speech lambasting the Commissariat and praising the troops for their patriotism in standing up to tyranny within their regime, Frachon demanded an investigation into Chichery and his allies, and introduced a bill to limit the Commissariat’s power and force it to hold to a code of ethics. Frachon’s demands of the Internal Affairs office were audacious, but after a speedy vote by Frachon's allies in Parliament, the motion passed. Immediately after his speech, the Prime Minister went into hiding, expecting to meet the bullet of a state assassin before the next morning. To his surprise, Frachon would be spared.

The events immediately following the speech were frantic. A large protest in support of the bill gathered in the capital, and news organizations began covering the event favorably. A cadre of Frachons' allies stormed into the President's office and demanded he sign the bill into law if he were to hope to maintain his popularity in the eyes of the people. He reluctantly complied, selling out his closest ally. With the writing on the wall, Chichery and a number of his close cohort fled from Paris the night of the 21st, but were quickly arrested before they could make their escape. Chichery remained on the run for only a day more, before he was found dead in a Catalan train station, the circumstances of his demise unknown to the public. After hearing the news of the arrests, Frachon came out of hiding and reconnected with his coconspirators in preparation for the next stage of his plot. 

With this in mind, Canada was finally given full control of its voting power, finally making it a true member of the International. To the shock of many in France, Merritt Tremblay, a Canadian politician and vocal Syndicalist, was appointed as the Chairman of the Commissariat's new global operation. Tremblay was an interesting choice, as he had been known for his leniency towards the business class during Canada’s transition into the international community. Despite this, Frachon insisted he was a great man for the job, given Tremblay's track record in investigating labor disputes. Questionable ethics aside, his efficiency could not be so scrutinized.

Ultimately, it was decided that Marius Bourreau was to have his record expunged and be given a promotion to Field Marshal. This decision, while eyebrow-raising among Parliament, was popular among the French military, as Bourreau, to many, was being unjustly punished for standing up to tyranny, and had assumed a folk hero status throughout the ranks. Furthermore, during his stint in prison he had been in secret communications with Frachon, who had facilitated a number of letters petitioning for his freedom and championing reforms in the military.  Bourreau would be promoted to this position on August 20th, where he would quickly begin working on his vision for the military.

With the war cabinet's blessing, a new class of soldier was born. Borrowing its name from the fearsome Napoleonic divisions, Bourreau’s Dragoons, as they would be known, were to be a military order of the most devoted marxists. The new Dragoons would be formed from Veteran Soldiers across all divisions.  These Dragoons would then train with, and fight alongside inexperienced Republican Guards Units, bringing with them the discipline and wisdom of the last two years of war, serving as pseudo-command units as the officer corps were slowly replenished. Bourreau also was in charge of finding a new role for the commissars within the military. Those who were less radicalized by Chichery and saw combat previously would be integrated into the French officer corps, while the rest of the former commissars would be shipped to the Communist International, and distributed overseas after formal reeducation. The new commissars, mostly consisting of foreign soldiers from the International, would serve as attachments to units with depleted morale to act as a source of inspiration rather than fear. With the commissars pushing the men forward from the rear, and the Dragoons leading them into war, the coherence of the front line could reform and strengthen.

Bourreau’s plan was ambitious, and a radical departure from the status quo. As a result it would take a few months before his plans would be fully realized. While the military reforms took place, President Delattre set about adjusting the power of the state as Frachon had started, working closely with Parliament to ensure the democratic process would no longer be ignored. Restrictions were loosened on the media, and the more egalitarian reforms promised by the previous administration were accelerated, with France moving ever closer to the decommodification of housing through the implementation of a public voucher program. While these policies moved France closer to the Communist ideals expounded by the International, the looming threat on their doorstep left everyone in the country on edge. Though the HRE’s counteroffensive had slowed, there were signs that it would pick back up in the fall. With no end to the conflict in sight, time would tell if the new reforms in the government and military would be enough to stop the invaders from reaching Paris before the end of the year.